Few days ago, a friend asked me to what
extent can the Left derail economic
reforms, especially after its strong electoral
performance in Kerala and
West Bengal. Two years ago, I would have listed a dozen
areas where the 61
Left MPs could have forced Manmohan Singh to abandon or
reverse reforms.
Today, I don't consider the Left to be the number one
enemy of economic
reforms. Instead, the most powerful enemies lurk within
the Congress -
die-hard, Congress socialist apparatchiks who enjoy
disproportionate power
by virtue of their long association with the
Nehru-Gandhi family, and who
would like nothing more than to steer the nation
backwards to their
antediluvian vision of the party's glorious past.
With the Left, you know where you stand. It wants
greater public spending;
won't tolerate large scale privatisation by the centre;
will oppose
legislative amendments to bring about greater labour
market flexibility; has
reservations about pension reforms; and will do
everything it can to
maintain FDI caps wherever possible, including
insurance. By knowing where
they stand, there is always scope for astute
negotiations - with the
government giving something to the Left in return for
some slack in other
areas. There is also a large number of reforms that can
be done through
executive decisions without recourse to the legislature.
While the Left
would certainly protest against such acts, it would
internally accept that
that's the rule of the game.
As my father used to tell me during the
turbulent 1970s and early 1980s as
the CEO of a Kolkata-based engineering company, "You can
always negotiate
sensibly with the CITU and AITUC. But rarely with the
INTUC."
With the Machiavellians in the Congress,
you simply don't know where you
stand. Certainly not a gentleman technocrat like
Manmohan Singh. Consider,
for instance, the shrewd 76-year old Arjun Singh, who
quietly keeps his own
counsel except when it is time to strike. His last true
episode of glory was
as the Governor of Punjab after Operation Bluestar, when
he and K. P. S.
Gill masterminded the extermination of terrorism and
then ushered in a free
and fair election. That was 21 years ago. Thereafter,
Arjun Singh remained
in the sidelines. During his first stint as the HRD
Minister, an even
craftier fox called P. V. Narasimha Rao kept him
marginalised. And it took
22 months of his second term at the HRD ministry before
making his move.
What a monstrously successful cynical move it has turned
out to be! After V.
P. Singh resurrected caste to the centre-stage of vote
bank politics, Arjun
Singh has gone a step further with OBCs. The move has
absolutely nothing to
do with uplifting the lot of the poor and socially
deprived. That needs far
more schools, more teachers, more colleges and more
vocational training
institutes to create employability; and more growth to
generate greater
employment. Instead, it is all about caste-based vote
banks. And its success
lies in the fact that, despite hunger strikes by medical
students and feeble
protests by industry, not a single politician in India
will dare oppose it.
Thanks to V. P. Singh, caste-based politics is so
entrenched in our system
that no political practitioner can afford to be publicly
shown up as
anti-backward caste.
I doubt whether Arjun Singh's move will gain
significantly greater votes for
the Congress. Other parties will exploit it better. But
it will have served
three purposes. First, it will prove to whoever matters
that Arjun Singh is
the protector of backward castes. Second, it will put
Manmohan Singh on the
backfoot, demonstrate who really are the bosses, and may
even hobble his
capacity to pursue future reforms. And third, almost 60
years after
independence, it will ensure that India as a nation
continues to eat, drink
and breathe caste. What a great legacy that is! And will
it truly empower
the underprivileged? You can bet not.